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One often hears that assertiveness in walking, standing, talking, eye contact, etc. will help reduce the likelihood of being targeted and assaulted by a criminal. While this advice makes a great deal of sense, and is probably true, it would be nice to know if the idea is supported by research.
Research in this area falls into two general categories: 1) comparing the psychosocial profiles of survivors of assault to either non-assaulted subjects or survivors of an attempted assault; and 2) analysis of non-verbal cues to isolate behaviors that are interpreted as conveying vulnerability to assault.
At this point, some disclaimers should be made. First, this paper summarizes published data about body language as related to assault prevention. In no way do I wish to infer that victims of assault are inviting attack or are in any way responsible for the assault on their person. Second, there are many factors relevant to assault prevention. For instance, Bart and O'Brien (1985) identified variables such as: the time of the assault (day or night), locale of the assault (inside or outside), use of physical force, and use of a weapon as factors that influenced the outcomes in sexual assault. Finally, it is clear that one may have to use multiple strategies in self defense. Research supports the idea that using several strategies leads to a better likelihood of escaping assault (Bart and O'Brien, 1984, 1985; Quinsey and Upfold, 1985; Zoucha-Jenson and Coyne, 1993), at least in the case of sexual assaults. While this paper examines one strategy to reduce the likelihood of assault, it would be wise to remember that other strategies such as fleeing, making noise, verbal techniques, and physically resisting may be necessary.
Myers et al. (1984) compared the coping skills of 72 survivors of rape to 72 non-assaulted (control) subjects. They focused on vulnerability to rape as a function of coping skills in 5 domains including: psychosocial characteristics, mental health as determined by psychiatric histories, drug or alcohol abuse (past or present), cognitive abilities, and physical characteristics (height, weight, strength, handicaps, athletic ability, participation in self defense classes). Using the CPI, women who had survived a rape scored lower in assertiveness, social presence, achievement via independence, and dominance than women in the control group. Significant others of survivors rated the assertiveness of their partners lower than significant others of control women.
While these reports show psychosocial differences between survivors of sexual assault and either non-assaulted subjects or survivors of attempted sexual assault, it is unclear whether or not these differences predate the sexual assault or not. It seems likely that at least some of the differences have to do with the assault experience itself. For this reason, it is hard to draw any concrete conclusions. However, they do suggest that there may be some differences and at least some of these differences (such as increased social skills, dominance, and assertiveness) may help prevent sexual assault. In order for this to occur, there must be some sort of behavioral cues that assailants pick up on.
Murzynski and Degelman (1996) followed this study with one where they trained 3 female models to walk in two typical victim profiles and one typical non-victim profile as described by Grayson and Stein (1981). They videotaped each of the models performing each of the walks. They showed the videotapes to 41 college students and 33 police officers. No sound was used for these tests. For each person, each profile was shown with a different model. Each model was used for all the profiles equally throughout the study. Each subject was asked to first rank the confidence of the person, and, after seeing the videotape a second time, rank the vulnerability to sexual assault of that person. Both victim profiles had significantly lower scores for confidence and higher scores for vulnerability to sexual assault than the non-victim profile. Neither victim profile significantly differed from each other.
Richards et al. (1991) showed men tend to select submissive women for exploitation. They selected 4 women who had low scores and 4 who had high scores for dominance on the CPI. They videotaped these women and showed one submissive and one dominant woman under 4 of 16 conditions to male college students. The men were first asked to rate the women using a standard semantic differential instrument consisting of 17 scales. Under the conditions used in this study, the men were able to differentiate the submissive woman from the dominant woman based on the videotapes. This occurred independent of whether sound was used or not. The men were then asked to evaluate which of the two women he would prefer to approach to do something she did not want to do. The men picked the submissive woman. These researchers also evaluated the differences in non-verbal cues between dominant and submissive women. They found that the submissive women generally gestured with less expansive movements and wore more body concealing clothing than dominant women.
All three of these studies suggest that there is a causal relationship between body language and judgments of vulnerability. In addition, the study by Richards et al. (1991) suggests that this perception of vulnerability is used in the selection process for exploitation.
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